Sudan 2018/19 Revolution 101- PART 5 Gender Equity and Cultural Pluralism

Sudan Revolution – part 5

Gender Equity and Cultural Pluralism

One of the most beautiful and powerful aspects of the Sudanese uprising has been the diversity of the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) coalition. This diversity manifested itself in a couple of distinct sources of optimism about the future of Sudan. The first is the prominence of women in the resistance frontlines, which has impressed scores of people around the world. The second is the splendid array of ethnicities and cultures at the Sit-In square, to which people flocked from around the country to express their different identities and stake their claim to citizenship. It was heartwarming to see young people from Kadugli reporting live from the square in what Sudanese urbanites derogatorily call “broken Arabic.” If Sudan is to have a chance of pivoting from uprising to a genuine transformative revolution of Freedom, Peace, and Justice, the opposition leadership must possess: 1) a deep uncompromising belief in women’s equal humanity, dignity, and contribution to society; and 2) an equally deep uncompromising commitment to honoring the cultural diversity of the Sudan.

So far, these two necessary conditions have not been reflected in the composition of the FFC team negotiating with the Transitional Military Council. The poor representation of women and people from “marginalized” regions – Darfur, Southern Kordofan, the far North and East – at the negotiations table is conspicuous, and stands in insulting contrast to the demography of the protests. Cultural pluralism should be a guiding principle and mobilized as a source of strength.

For the uprising itself to be democratic, not only should there be more than one or two women at the table, but the coming civilian government had better include women in significant numbers and in high level critical posts. In particular, addressing the problem of gender-based violence – displayed so painfully on June 3^rd – must be a high priority item on the national agenda, where any discussions and public policy decisions rely on the knowledge and expertise of Sudanese women medical doctors, psychologists, activists, and leaders of civil society organizations.

Similarly, in order for the chant “Kullal balad Darfur” (the entire country is Darfur) to be more than an empty slogan, the attitudes of many Sudanese must change to uproot the entrenched sexism, Arab-centrism, class elitism, and urban bias. Instead of dismissing people in rural areas as “mere camel herders” or “simple farmers,” we must work hard to undo the hegemony of the urban center on economic resources and political power.

The task is not easy. Women’s subordination and urban bias run very deep, and cultural and gender based equity require power sharing. But, any leadership worthy of a new Sudan must show that it has or can transcend exclusionary social habits. For now, the lack of attention to diversity threatens the uprising itself because it weakens the people’s trust in and commitment to the opposition leadership.

Sudan Revolution 2018/19 101-PART 4 Bring Back the Internet

SUDAN REVOLUTION 101 - PART 4

Bring Back the Internet

So far, the Uprising has succeeded in its first step, that is, removing Al Basheer, the military thug who ruled Sudan ruthlessly for almost 30 years. But, the Sudanese people know this is not the end goal. Maneuvering the complicated terrain to put in place a civilian government of their choosing is the real test of their determination to gain Freedom, Peace, Justice.

The Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) and the Transitional Military Council (TMC) have each met with the US Assistant Secretary of State for African affairs, Tibor Nagy, and Special Envoy for Sudan, Donald Booth, who stressed the need for quick transition to civil authority, independent inquiry into the massacre, withdrawal of military presence from civilian areas and restoring security, release of political prisoners, and lifting the ban on the Internet. In its news conference yesterday, TMC admitted that it gave the orders to break up the Sit-In on June 3. This should be a welcome step toward accepting responsibility for the massacre. But, the admission came amid inconsistent statements and contradictory actions, for example, refusing international monitoring of an independent inquiry into the massacre. TMC lurches from one position to another in its attempts to manage the domestic and external pressures that push it in opposite directions. Above all, however, it fails to realize that civilian rule must be effected sooner or later. The end result is that little has changed. Khartoum is still saturated with paramilitary personnel, while the Internet blackout remains.

FFC has issued a statement challenging TMC’s latest obfuscations, and reaffirming its commitment to the people’s demands. The two parties are supposed to resume negotiations tomorrow. If it has any chance to successfully lead the popular momentum to genuine democratic rule, the opposition must show firm grasp of the creative criminality of Basheer’s band of opportunists and mercenary troops. FFC has recognized the deep rootedness of Basheer’s regime by insisting on a four-year transitional period to dismantle its remnants. It must now show great ability to fight the ‘counter-revolution’ his operatives are mounting. They are busy undermining the Uprising with a campaign of intimidation and misinformation to discredit the opposition.

By all accounts, the Sudanese are determined that “there is no going back.” It’s been a little over ten days since the Khartoum massacre. Many are just beginning to feel the trauma, as more bodies surface on the Nile, many are still missing, others are painfully searching for ways to make peace with wholesale sexual assault. But, some are already getting restless. At least one spontaneous evening demonstration broke out in Um Durman yesterday.

The Sudanese cause has been popularized worldwide, with UN condemnation of the massacre, US exerting some pressure, and social media campaigns by international celebrities. Yet, the country is still under siege, people are isolated. Bringing back the Internet is instrumental for exposing the remnants of Basheer’s regime. But, perhaps even more, it is necessary for the people on the ground to once again share their struggle and revolutionary experience with the rest of the world. #Sudan_Uprising.

Sudan 2018/19 Revolution 101-PART 3

Sudan 2018/19 Revolution 101- PART 3

June 12 – Most reactions to the suspension of the national civil disobedience are positive, many consider it a pause, not a retreat, some debate whether to trust the Transitional Military Council (TMC) once more. Violent militia attacks continued in Darfur. TMC carried out extensive arrests and layoffs in the army and police ranks, amid rumors of a coup attempt, in the name of investigating the Ramadan massacre. But, the Council kept the Internet blackout, boldly stating: “The Internet is a threat to Sudan’s national security. It will not be back soon.”

The volume of reports, rumors, and opinions on TV news channels, among Sudanese groups, and social media is dizzying. Most questions concern the basic facts about the massacre – who’s behind it, who took part, who was alerted in advance? It turns out there were surveillance cameras at several locations around the Sit-In area. The videos that have come out so far are hard to watch, but they offer incontrovertible evidence of the crime. A key question has to do with the role of the Rapid Support Forces in the attack. Hemedti, their leader and TMC’s second in command, has fallen silent since then, in contrast to his outspoken presence in previous weeks. Anecdotal, but highly detailed, reports suggest that RSF may have been used as a front for a vastly bigger attack force, whose purpose was to inflict the most brutal deadly damage. This is not necessarily an outlandish claim. It was expected that Basheer’s so-called “shadow militias” and “popular defense forces,” among an unknown number of expertly-trained mercenaries would fight back. What took place on June 3^rd was beyond anyone’s imagination. Revealing the magnitude and tentacles of the crime plot will take time.

In this fog of speculation, one must question all news reports. Yet, from what is corroborated in different sources, and the observed behavior of TMC leadership, three things could be stated:

·      TMC remains unable to grasp the people’s three fundamental demands – “Freedom, Peace, and Justice.” It has violated all three by continuing the Internet blackout, doing nothing about the killing of civilians, refusing to take responsibility for the massacre while claiming to be impartially investigating it.

·      TMC is unaware of the weakness of its own position between the Sudanese people’s determination to regain civilian rule, and the diabolically criminal operatives of Basheer’s National Congress Party. It has little control over the situation.

·      If there is such a thing as a silver lining, the massacre has painfully exposed the brutal criminality of the National Congress regime to those in Sudan who did not recognize, ignored, or refused to believe what it was capable of – in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains, the South, the Blue Nile, the North, and the East. This makes possible the direct confrontation that needed to take place long ago.

Latest News: FFC met today with US Assistant Secretary of State for African affairs, Tibor Nagy, and US Special Envoy for Sudan, Donald Booth. The two parties agreed on the need for:  

a quick transition to civil authority, an internationally-backed commission of inquiry into the massacre, withdrawal of military and militias from residential areas and restoring security, immediate release of all political prisoners, lifting the ban on Internet services and ensuring media freedoms. Will the soldiers comply? And, what is the extent of the US Administration’s commitment to its current position? #Sudan_uprising.