Sudan Revolution – part
5
Gender Equity and Cultural Pluralism
One of the most beautiful and powerful aspects of the
Sudanese uprising has been the diversity of the
Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) coalition. This diversity manifested itself
in a couple of distinct sources of optimism about the future of Sudan. The
first is the prominence of women in the resistance frontlines, which has
impressed scores of people around the world. The second is the splendid array of
ethnicities and cultures at the Sit-In square, to which people flocked from
around the country to express their different identities and stake their claim
to citizenship. It was heartwarming to see young people from Kadugli reporting
live from the square in what Sudanese urbanites derogatorily call “broken
Arabic.” If Sudan is to have a chance of pivoting from uprising to a genuine
transformative revolution of Freedom, Peace, and Justice, the
opposition leadership must possess: 1) a deep uncompromising belief in women’s equal
humanity, dignity, and contribution to society; and 2) an equally deep
uncompromising commitment to honoring the cultural diversity of the Sudan.
So far, these two necessary conditions have not been
reflected in the composition of the FFC team negotiating with the Transitional
Military Council. The poor representation of women and people from “marginalized”
regions – Darfur, Southern Kordofan, the far North and East – at the
negotiations table is conspicuous, and stands in insulting contrast to the
demography of the protests. Cultural pluralism should be a guiding principle
and mobilized as a source of strength.
For the uprising itself to be democratic, not only should
there be more than one or two women at the table, but the coming civilian government
had better include women in significant numbers and in high level critical
posts. In particular, addressing the problem of gender-based violence –
displayed so painfully on June 3rd – must be a high priority item on
the national agenda, where any discussions and public policy decisions rely on
the knowledge and expertise of Sudanese women medical doctors, psychologists,
activists, and leaders of civil society organizations.
Similarly, in order for the chant “Kullal balad Darfur”
(the entire country is Darfur) to be more than an empty slogan, the attitudes
of many Sudanese must change to uproot the entrenched sexism, Arab-centrism,
class elitism, and urban bias. Instead of dismissing people in rural areas as “mere
camel herders” or “simple farmers,” we must work hard to undo the hegemony of
the urban center on economic resources and political power.
The task is not easy. Women’s subordination and urban bias
run very deep, and cultural and gender based equity require power sharing. But,
any leadership worthy of a new Sudan must show that it has or can transcend exclusionary
social habits. For now, the lack of attention to diversity threatens the uprising
itself because it weakens the people’s trust in and commitment to the
opposition leadership.
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