Sudan 2018-19 revolution 101
The CONSTITUTIONAL DECLARATION
Today, August 17, witnessed the formal signing of the
Constitutional Declaration by FFC (Forces for Freedom & Change) and TMC
(Transitional Military Council), thereby launching the three-year transitional
period toward democratic civilian rule in Sudan. The public has not seen the
constitutional document yet, but it is reported that TMC did not get the blanket immunity they asked
for, and that RSF will become part of the armed forces of Sudan, i.e., the
regular army. The event was held with great formality and fanfare at the
Friendship Hall in Khartoum, and followed by enormous celebrations and self-congratulations
by scores of Sudanese in this city and across the country.
The celebration is warranted as this day signals the end of
Basheer and the National Congress Party’s 30-year destructive occupation of
Sudan. For many Sudanese, these 30 years constitute a loss in the country’s
historical ledger. Yet, the celebration must be tempered by deep awareness that
this day represents only the first step in what will certainly be a long, difficult,
and treacherous journey. There are too many complex problems to solve; too many
different voices and opinions weighted down by heavy historical baggage; too
much external influence and meddling; and the grave danger of armed conflict
stemming from excessive militarization.
Ending the different internal wars by reaching
permanent peace treaties with all the armed rebel movements is the top priority
of the transitional government. But, the FFC coalition is already fractured
because of the rebel movements’ insistence on special accommodations – specific
shares of positions prior to the formation of the transitional government – to represent
the marginalized areas and those affected by war. The contrast between the posh
and polished scene at the Friendship Hall, and the helpless thousands whose
homes were being swamped by torrential rain on the outskirts of Khartoum betrayed
the problem of inequality and marginalization which the armed movements are
fighting to end.
Another striking image today is the heavy presence of more
than a dozen heads of state and high level representatives of different countries
and international organizations – most notably, Chad, China, Egypt, Ethiopia, Saudi
Arabia, the US, AU and EU. These are being called friends of Sudan, but their
participation in the ceremony and especially co-signing of the constitutional
document that will govern the transitional period eerily reveals the great
fragility of the agreement, and the erosion of national autonomy that is the legacy
of Basheer’s 30-year rule. One cannot but feel the irony that some Sudanese are
recalling Muhammed Wardi’s celebrated ballad “Today We Raise the Flag of Our
Independence” marking Sudan’s independence from Britain in 1956. But, today the
country is effectively in the custody of almost 10 external entities, soon to
be joined (or rejoined) by the IMF and the World Bank. This loss of autonomy
may be the worst of Basheer’s crimes against the people of Sudan, together with
militarization, destruction of the economy and the civil service, and
institution of tribal identities and divisions.
In all events, the transitional government and
process will likely fall short of the greatness of the uprising and the
protesters’ aspirations partly because the vast breadth of the FFC coalition
and the matter-of-fact power of the military, in addition to international
pressure, have allowed only a hybrid compromising outcome. Therefore, it would
be a mistake to put all hopes on the transitional government, no matter how
strong the civilian majority in it is. The great lesson of the past eight
months, is that the Sudanese people have put together a highly effective model
of peaceful civil organization, mass resistance, and long distance coordination.
This was clear in the thousands of disciplined, highly responsive neighborhood
committees and the communication channels between the street and FFC leadership
that allowed quick mobilization of massive marches all over the country,
especially during the Internet blackout, which TMC thought would paralyze the
opposition. It is this energy and determination in the face of continued violence
against peaceful protesters that will make possible the transition to democratic
civilian rule and beyond. The protestors on the ground are the safety valve of
the uprising against cooptation or sabotage.
